• As the 2024 race heats up, Trump is getting support from a variety of billionaires.
• Some are true believers, while others backed Trump's GOP rivals before coming around to him.
• Here are some of the billionaires who are contributing to Trump this year.

As former President Donald Trump seeks a second term in the White House, he's increasingly turning to billionaires to power his campaign.

Some of them are longtime associates and supporters — true believers who know the former president from his days in the business world.

Others may be relative newcomers, such as long-time GOP megadonors who backed his 2016 or 2024 rivals.

One of Trump's billionaire supporters is North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, the former software mogul who sought the GOP nomination in 2024 and is now in contention to be VP.

"If you're a billionaire and you care about your shareholders, you care about your family, you care about your grandkids, you should be voting for someone that's going to bring prosperity to America and peace to the world," Burgum said on Fox News in April.

Here's an extensive — though not exhaustive — list of some of the billionaires who are contributing to Trump's 2024 campaign, including to his "Trump 47" joint fundraising committee, which splits proceeds between the Trump campaign and the Republican National Committee.

Richard and Elizabeth Uihlein

Richard and Elizabeth Uihlein — the founders of Uline, a packing and shipping company — have long been reliable donors to a variety of conservative causes and candidates.

That included bankrolling an effort to make it harder to amend the Ohio constitution in 2023.

The Uihleins started this cycle supporting Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis's presidential bid. Each gave $1.5 million to DeSantis's super PAC, Never Back Down.

Elizabeth told The Financial Times in March that she and her husband would donate a similar amount to Trump — while also bemoaning the fact that she and her husband had to spend money on the presidential race at all.

"These two guys are very well-defined. I don't understand why everybody has to give all this money," she told the outlet, referring to Trump and Biden. "Neither of them have to spend a penny. We all know who they are. It's ridiculous."

Kelly Loeffler and Jeff Sprecher

Former Sen. Kelly Loeffler and her husband, Jeff Sprecher, have each contributed $824,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

Loeffler was appointed to the Senate at the end of 2019 by Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp after the death of Sen. Johnny Isakson.

She later lost in a runoff election in January 2021 to Democrat Raphael Warnock, who went on to win a full term in 2022.

Sprecher, meanwhile, is the CEO of Intercontinental Exchange and previously served as the chairman of the New York Stock Exchange.

Joe Ricketts

Joe Ricketts, the founder and former CEO of TD Ameritrade, has given $824,600 to the Trump 47 Committee. His wife, Marleen, gave $814,600.

In 2019, Ricketts — whose family owns the Chicago Cubs — was found to have sent racist and Islamophobic emails during the 2012 election, for which he later apologized.

"Christians and Jews can have a mutual respect for each other to create a civil society. As you know, Islam cannot do that," Ricketts wrote in one 2012 email. "Therefore we cannot ever let Islam become a large part of our society. Muslims are naturally my (our) enemy due to their deep antagonism and bias against non-Muslims."

Last year, one of Ricketts' sons — former Nebraska Gov. Pete Ricketts — was appointed to the US Senate after former Sen. Ben Sasse opted to retire.

The younger Ricketts is likely to be elected to the remainder of Sasse's term in November.

Robert Bigelow

Robert Bigelow, the hotel chain mogul who launched a spaceflight company in 2018, was originally a major DeSantis donor this cycle.

"I will give him more money and go without food," Bigelow told TIME after pouring more than $20 million into the Florida governor's "Never Back Down" super PAC in March 2023.

He has since pivoted, donating more than $10 million to Trump-aligned PACs since February 2024.

Bigelow also told Reuters in January that he would be contributing $1 million to pay Trump's mounting legal fees as well.

"I was just sympathetic. They didn't solicit anything from me," Bigelow told the outlet.

Linda McMahon

Linda McMahon, who founded World Wrestling Entertainment with her husband Vince, has given $10 million to the Trump-aligned MAGA Inc. super PAC, along with $814,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

McMahon served as the head of the Small Business Administration from 2017-2019 under Trump.

She's also the chair of the board of the America First Policy Institute, a Trump-aligned think tank.

Phil Ruffin

Phil Ruffin, a casino magnate, has contributed $2 million to Trump's MAGA Inc. super PAC and $814,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

Ruffin is a long-time associate and business partner of Trump's — he co-owns the Trump International Hotel in Las Vegas alongside the Trump Organization.

Ruffin also accompanied Trump to Moscow in 2013 for the Miss Universe Pageant.

That trip figured prominently in the largely unverified Steele Dossier, which alleged that the Russians may have blackmailed Trump by filming him being urinated on by Russian prostitutes.

Geoffrey Palmer

Geoffrey Palmer, a Los Angeles-based real estate developer, has also given $2 million to Trump's MAGA Inc. super PAC and $814,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

Palmer has hosted Trump for multiple fundraisers in Los Angeles, including one that took place in September 2023.

José "Pepe" Fanjul

Fanjul, a sugar magnate, has given $814,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

While José Fanjul has long been a GOP megadonor, his brother Alfonso has a history as a major Democratic megadonor.

Kelcy Warren

Kelcy Warren, the chairman and former CEO of the pipeline company Energy Transfer Partners, has given $814,600 to the Trump 47 Committee.

Warren's company is the owner of the Dakota Access Pipeline, the construction of which spurred major protests by environmental activists and the Standing Rock Indian Reservation in 2016.

Though he was a major Trump donor in 2020, he also donated $26,400 to a pro-DeSantis super PAC in June 2023.

Warren co-hosted a fundraiser for Trump in Houston in May.

Robert and Rebekah Mercer

Robert Mercer, a former hedge fund CEO, has given $814,399 to the Trump 47 Committee.

Both Robert and his daughter Rebekah have been major contributors to pro-Trump and more anti-establishment conservative causes, including helping to fund the right-wing Breitbart website and the conservative social media app Parler.

John Paulson

John Paulson, a billionaire hedge fund manager, has contributed $806,300 to the Trump 47 Committee.

He's long been an associate of the former president and has advised him an economic matters. Bloomberg recently reported that he could serve as Treasury Secretary under a second Trump administration.

In April, Paulson hosted Trump and his wife, Melania, for a fundraiser at his Palm Beach home.

That event, attended by several other billionaires on this list, raised more than $50 million, according to the campaign.

Woody Johnson

Woody Johnson, an heir to the Johnson and Johnson pharmaceutical fortune and a co-owner of the New York Jets with his brother, has been a major financial backer of Trump's.

He's given $1 million to the Trump-aligned MAGA Inc. super PAC, and both Johnson and his wife Suzanne recently contributed $806,300 apiece to the Trump 47 Committee.

Johnson served as the US Ambassador to the United Kingdom during Trump's presidency.

Steve Wynn

Casino mogul and real estate developer Steve Wynn has given $806,300 to the Trump 47 Committee this year.

Wynn, a longtime GOP megadonor, served as the vice-chairman of Trump's inaugural committee in 2017.

He has been accused of both sexual misconduct and of acting as a foreign agent on behalf of China, though a judge tossed out the latter charge.

Harold Hamm

Harold Hamm, an oil and gas magnate, has contributed $614,000 to the Trump 47 Committee and $200,000 to the Trump-aligned MAGA Inc. super PAC.

"Republican, Democrat… I'm an oilocrat," he told the Financial Times in 2022.

Despite his current supporter for Trump — and his attendance of numerous fundraisers on the former president's behalf — Hamm contributed thousands to both Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and former Ambassador Nikki Haley last year.

He even reportedly told Trump in 2023 that he should end his presidential campaign, citing his "chaos."

"I know he wasn't happy," Hamm told the Financial Times of the call. "That's all I can do. How seriously he takes that recommendation, I don't know."

Ike Perlmutter

Isaac "Ike" Perlmutter, the former chairman of Marvel Entertainment, has long been an informal advisor to Trump, including on veterans' affairs.

He reportedly became friends with the former president through his membership at Trump's Mar-a-Lago resort.

In March, Perlmutter and his wife Laura each gave $5 million to Right for America, a pro-Trump super PAC.

• China is banning social media influencers for flaunting lavish lifestyles and promoting materialism.
• The Cyberspace Administration of China launched a crackdown to discourage wealth displays in April.
• An influencer dubbed "China's Kim Kardashian" was barred from Douyin, the Financial Times reported.

Flaunting a lavish lifestyle to promote materialism can get you thrown off social media in China.

Since April, China has been busy cracking down on influencers who promote ostentatious lifestyles as a means of gaining profit.

China's internet regulator, Cyberspace Administration of China, launched a campaign last month to discourage social media users from "deliberately showcasing a lavish lifestyle built on wealth," the Financial Times reported.

One influencer who's been a casualty of the crackdown is Wang Hongquanxing, who's been dubbed "China's Kim Kardashian" and had 4.3 million followers on the Chinese version of TikTok, Douyin, the report said.

Others, including "Sister Abalone," who had over 2 million followers and gave tours of her luxurious homes, and "Mr Bo," who posted about luxury goods, have also had their accounts restricted, per the FT.

Platforms like Weibo, Douyin, and Xiaohongshu announced a wave of measures to curb ostentatious behavior on May 15.

Weibo's list of conduct that could see influencers barred includes showing off luxury homes and cars to promote products, flaunting large amounts of cash, and posting minors using luxury goods to "attract traffic and hype."

In 2021, China launched similar measures to curb influencers posting "unethical" content.

The Cyberspace Administration of China announced at the time that celebrities could no longer "show off wealth" or "extravagant pleasure" on social media.

China has also clamped down on influencers posting fabricated stories online.

Influencer "Thurman Maoyibei" had her Doyin, Weibo, and BiliBili accounts seized in April after she shared a fake story of a boy whose homework books went missing, BBC News reported.

In the video, which went viral, she reportedly claimed that a coffee shop worker in Paris gave her two homework books that belonged to a Chinese student and said she'd return them to him.

This led to a viral hashtag and campaign to find the student.

China's Ministry of Public Security said the incident was a "typical example" of it taking action against misinformation, the BBC reported.

According to the report, the influencer apologized for "polluting the internet," and police said she and her company could receive a warning or detention as punishment.

Weibo, Douyin and Xiaohongshu didn't immediately respond to requests for comment from Business Insider, made outside normal working hours.

• In closing arguments, the Trump defense will attack the credibility of key witnesses.
• But jurors may not need to believe Michael Cohen, David Pecker, or Stormy Daniels to convict Trump.
• Here are 10 persuasive pieces of evidence that practically speak for themselves.

During Tuesday's closing arguments in the Donald Trump hush-money trial, jurors are sure to hear a lot about the motives and credibility of key prosecution witnesses Michael Cohen, David Pecker, and Stormy Daniels.

But jurors may not need to believe these witnesses to convict Trump.

Here are 10 stand-alone pieces of evidence that practically speak for themselves.

1. "So, what do we got to pay for this?"

"So, what do we got to pay for this? One-fifty?" Trump asks his attorney and "fixer," Cohen, just two months before the 2016 election. "Pay with cash," Trump then instructs.

This phone conversation, secretly recorded by Cohen, catches Trump calling the shots as the two men discuss financing for a $150,000 hush-money payment. The hush money was meant to keep voters in the dark about former Playboy model Karen McDougal's claim — denied by Trump — of a nearly yearlong affair with the then-Apprentice star in 2006.

Why is this taped Trump-Cohen phone call, labeled People's Exhibit 246, important? Because it makes it impossible for Trump to say he had no role in hush-money financing.

Prosecutors can be expected to argue that this recording directly connects Trump to an illegal campaign conspiracy.

As they alleged in opening statements, this conspiracy influenced the election by purchasing the silence of McDougal and — for $130,000 more — of porn star Daniels. Trump's indictment alleges he falsified 34 business records throughout 2017, his first year in office, to cover up Daniels' hush money.

The Trump-Cohen phone call shows Trump in the pilot's seat of the conspiracy, prosecutors will argue. Or, at the very least, he's in the cabin with Cohen. Also in the conspiracy cabin: Trump's then-CFO, Allen Weisselberg, and Pecker, the then-National Enquirer publisher, both of whom are name-dropped in the tape.

People's 248 is a transcript of this important call, available here. The actual audio can be heard here.

2. *** THIRTY-FIVE THOUSAND DOLLARS AND NO CENTS***********

Nine times throughout his first year in office, Trump signed checks that are now key exhibits in the hush-money trial. Each was drawn on his personal bank account. Each paid Cohen $35,000 as a "retainer."

And each check, prosecutors say, is a felony-level falsified business record. These nine checks are our second smoking gun.

According to his indictment, the checks reimbursed Cohen in monthly installments for the $130,000 wired to Daniels just 11 days before the 2016 election, along with some other money Cohen was due.

Why are these hand-signed checks so important?

Trump can argue that he never saw or handled most of the 34 business records that prosecutors say he "caused" to be falsified to hide the Daniels hush money, records that include a year's worth of bogus Cohen "retainer" invoices and entries in the Trump Org business ledgers.

But Trump cannot claim he never saw or handled these nine checks.

And that $35,000 amount on each check?

That amount matches exactly the $35,000 figure that Trump's then-chief financial officer, Weisselberg, landed on when calculating Cohen's monthly reimbursements — as shown in People's Exhibit 35, described below.

3. "PAY … ASAP … OK"

Defense lawyer Todd Blanche will likely argue on Tuesday that Trump was too busy running the country to have bothered with the nitty-gritty of falsifying documents. Trump was especially distracted — even "multi-tasking" — when he signed each of those nine checks, the defense has already suggested.

But People's 71 — a January 2017 invoice from the Winged Foot Golf Club in Mamaroneck, New York — strongly suggests otherwise. See People's 71 in its entirety here.

Why is this evidence — our third smoking gun — so important?

The invoice shows Trump personally signing off on the golf club's $6,974.01 annual dues and "food minimum."

It's proof that Trump continued to pay close attention to his personal spending in 2017.

Trump's former White House executive assistant, Madeleine Westerhout, showed jurors this exhibit when she took the stand earlier this month, delivering a big blow to the "multi-tasking" defense.

Westerhout also showed jurors emails revealing that, in June 2017, she got Trump's advance approval for the purchase, with his money, of a $650 Tiffany picture frame. Trump wanted to display a photo of his mother, Westerhout said, on the credenza behind his desk in the Oval Office.

The frame was 15% off, Trump was told before he approved its purchase.

So even in the White House, we have Trump signing off on golf fees and picture frames.

This proven micromanaging makes it easier for prosecutors to argue that Trump was paying attention when he signed $35,000 of his own cash over to Cohen — who testified that his actual legal work as personal attorney to the president amounted to less than 20 hours in all of 2017.

4. The single most important piece of evidence in the case

We now turn to the most important evidence in the case — People's 35, our fourth smoking gun.

This is an October 2016 First Republic bank statement. Both Cohen and Weisselberg scribbled calculations on it.

Why is this bank statement important?

Because on just one page, it records Cohen wiring the $130,000 in hush money to Daniels' attorney just 11 days before the 2016 election.

But there's more: it also shows the Weisselbergian math behind Cohen's $35,000 hush-money reimbursement checks.

And the two sets of handwriting — Cohen's and Weisselberg's — scrawled across the bottom show the alleged conspiring of Trump's closest lieutenants at the time: his fixer and his top numbers man.

People's 35 does not have Trump's fingerprints on it. Jurors have only Cohen's word that Trump saw it. But prosecutors can argue Tuesday that it clinches the case for conspiracy and records-falsification — subject to connection to Trump himself.

It will be up to jurors to decide if Trump would have blindly affixed his signature to nine $35,000 checks if he really believed they were "retainers" as labeled — and if he really believed he was paying a lawyer who hardly worked for him anymore.

It will also be up to jurors to decide if Cohen and Weisselberg would have cooked Trump's books — hiding the true nature of what Cohen was being paid for — without the knowledge and approval of Trump, the micromanaging boss footing the bill.

Read Business Insider's deep dive on People's 35 here.

5. "Sleep well tonight, you have friends in high places."

Fast forward to 2018. Trump has been in office for a year and, thanks to The Wall Street Journal, the world now knows about his porn-star hush-money scandal.

In early April, the FBI raided Cohen's office and apartment, seizing evidence it would later use to successfully prosecute him for his illegal $130,000 contribution to his boss's campaign.

Throughout April, Trump worried Cohen would "flip" against him, prosecutors argue. So Trump, they say, authorized a communications back channel, whereby Cohen could talk to attorney Robert Costello, who could relay messages to his buddy Rudy Giuliani, then Trump's lawyer.

This alleged Trump-to-Giuliani-to-Costello-to-Cohen back channel is evident in this prosecution exhibit, People's 205. This is the infamous "Friends in high places" email that would be featured in the "obstruction" section of the Mueller Report.

Why is this April 21, 2018 email — People's Exhibit 205 — important?

It suggests the nearly invisible hand of Trump, covertly pulling strings to keep Cohen from cooperating with the justice department and spilling any election conspiracy beans.

6. "He will make sure to tell the President"

In another email from that same day, People's Exhibit 204, Cohen is assured of Giuliani's gratitude for "this back channel of communication" to Trump.

This email, our gun number 6, again shows the covert, thrice-removed hand of Trump, pulling strings.

"I just spoke to Rudy Giuliani and told him I was on your team," Costello tells Cohen in the email.

"Rudy was thrilled and said this could not be a better situation for the President or you. He asked me if it was OK to call the President and (then-Trump lawyer) Jay Sekelow and I said fine," the email continues.

Giuliani "asked me to tell you that he knows how tough this is on your family and he will make sue [CQ] to tell the President," the email says.

7. "From which he entered into, through reimbursement…"

A week later, on May 3, 2018, the hush-money scandal was still in the news, and Trump posted what he may have believed would be a self-exonerating tweet.

Why is this panicked-sounding, somewhat garbled tweet important?

It's Trump acknowledging what prosecutors allege in those 34 felony falsification counts: That he knew Cohen's monthly retainer checks were not for legal fees at all.

Instead, they were "reimbursement" (Trump's word) for "a non-disclosure agreement" (Trump's word again) — also known as hush money.

Trump tweets this admission just five months after signing his last $35,000 "retainer" check to Cohen.

8. "Mr. Trump fully reimbursed Mr. Cohen in 2017"

Twelve days later, on May 15, 2018, Trump affixed his black-Sharpie signature to a routine government disclosure form called an "Executive Branch Personnel Public Financial Disclosure Report."

Prosecutors call this document People's Exhibit 81. It's the then-president's mandatory disclosure of his assets and liabilities.

Under "Liablities" — which is the section where Trump must list the money he's borrowed — Trump certifies that in 2017, he "fully reimbursed" Cohen an interest-free sum of between $100,000 and $250,000.

Why is this footnote on page 45 important? Prosecutors say it reflects Trump's admission that he repaid Cohen's $130,000 hush-money outlay.

In closing arguments Tuesday, prosecutors may well put People's 81 back on the courtroom display screens.

They'll scroll past Trump's signature to page 45 and say the footnote proves the then-president knew he was reimbursing Cohen for hush money throughout 2017 — not paying legal fees as his falsified business records claimed.

9. The AMI non-prosecution agreement

On September 21, 2018, lawyers for Pecker — then the National Enquirer's publisher — signed a non-prosecution agreement with federal prosecutors in Manhattan.

This is the Department of Justice agreeing not to prosecute the Enquirer's parent company, AMI, for illegal 2016 contributions "to the campaign of a candidate for President of the United States."

In return, Pecker and AMI's other officers and employees agreed to cooperate in the feds' investigation.

Why is this non-prosecution agreement — People's Exhibit 182 — our ninth smoking gun?

It shows Pecker admitting to same kind of federal campaign-contribution offense — in his case, for the $150,000 in hush money that silenced McDougal on Trump's behalf — that's at the center of the falsification case.

The jury also knows that Cohen, too, pleaded guilty to this same offense: making an illegally high campaign contribution on Trump's behalf, in his case the $130,000 paid to Daniels.

Jurors will be instructed by the judge on Tuesday that they cannot view the AMI agreement and Cohen's guilty plea as proof that Trump, too, violated federal campaign finance law — but these are tough bells to unring.

Read Business Insider's deep-dive story on how the Federal Election Campaign Act is a central element of Trump's charges.

10. Finally, a smoking micro-gun

Finally, here's a smoking micro-gun with some assembly required.

Once assembled, it bolsters Cohen's testimony that shortly after 12 noon on October 26, 2017, Trump gave his final approval to the hush-money payment.

People's 373 is a bank document showing that on that day, First Republic Bank employee Melissa Duran processed Cohen's request for a $131,000 advance on his home-equity loan.

People's 374 is an email showing Duran passing this request to her loan servicing department at 12:22 p.m.

People's 349 is a call log showing that on that day, Cohen called Trump at 12:26 p.m. and Trump called Cohen at 12:34 p.m. Their two phones were connected for a total of 4 minutes and 29 seconds.

Cohen testified that immediately after these calls with Trump, he took the elevator down from his Trump Organization offices at Trump Tower.

Then, he told jurors, he walked across Fifth Avenue to his bank, to finalize the $131,000 transfer out of his home-equity loan, money he'd then wire to Daniels' lawyer the next day.

"Do you have any doubt in your mind that Mr. Trump gave you the final sign-off to go ahead and make the payment before you went to the bank to complete that?" prosecutor Susan Hoffinger asked Cohen during redirect examination.

"No doubt," Cohen answered.

"Would you have paid Stormy Daniels the $130,000 had Mr. Trump not signed off?"

"No, ma'am," Cohen answered.

"Why not?" the prosecutor asked.

"Because I wanted to ensure that I was going to get my funds back," Cohen answered.

• A Polish official said the US told Russia it would strike Russian targets in Ukraine if Putin used a nuke.
• Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said such US strikes would result in a "world war."
• Putin has regularly issued nuclear threats since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Poland's foreign minister said the US had told Russia that it would strike Russian targets in Ukraine if Putin were to use nuclear weapons.

In an interview with the Guardian, Radosław Sikorski seemed doubtful of Russia's threats about using nuclear weapons, saying: "The Americans have told the Russians that if you explode a nuke, even if it doesn't kill anybody, we will hit all your targets [positions] in Ukraine with conventional weapons, we'll destroy all of them."

"I think that's a credible threat," he said. "Also, the Chinese and the Indians have read Russia the riot act. And it's no child's play because if that taboo were also to be breached, like the taboo of not changing borders by force, China knows that Japan and Korea would go nuclear, and presumably they don't want that."

Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev hit back at Sikorski's comments in a post on X, formerly Twitter, saying that US strikes on Russian targets would result in a "world war."

"Americans hitting our targets means starting a world war, and a Foreign Minister, even of a country like Poland should understand that," Medvedev said.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has consistently threatened to use nuclear weapons since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

In September of that year — when Russia began the partial mobilization of reservists for the war — Putin raised the specter of nuclear war, adding that his warnings were "not a bluff."

In February of this year, Putin made one of his most explicit threats after French President Emmanual Macron suggested NATO troops could be sent to Ukraine.

Western nations "must realize that we also have weapons that can hit targets on their territory," Putin said, adding: "All this really threatens a conflict with the use of nuclear weapons and the destruction of civilization. Don't they get that?"

In February, the Financial Times reported on the criteria that would lead Russia to consider a nuclear response, citing leaked documents.

The criteria included conditions such as the destruction of 20% of Russia's strategic ballistic missile submarines or an enemy incursion on Russian territory, per the FT.

In his interview with the Guardian, Sikorski also said that Europe had to learn to play the escalation game better by not fully revealing its hand to Putin.

"Always declaring what our own red line is only invites Moscow to tailor its hostile actions to our constantly changing self-imposed limitations," he said.

• Rising unemployment in nearly half of US states points to a recession this year, one economist says.
• 21 states have seen a jump in joblessness over the last year, Piper Sandler's Nancy Lazar told BI.
• Here are the states signaling a recession is on the way.

Unemployment has risen sharply in nearly half of US states, paving the way for a recession later this year, one top economist says.

Piper Sandler's chief global economist, Nancy Lazar, highlighted 21 states to Business Insider where three-month average unemployment has risen by at least 0.5 percentage points over the past 12 months. The states in question account for over 40% of US GDP.

When unemployment has jumped by that much, in that many states, a recession has almost always followed, Lazar said. The economic indicator is known as the "Sahm Rule."

Here are the 21 states signaling a recession may be on the way:

1. Rhode Island

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.03%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.63%

Change: +1.40%

2. Connecticut

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.47%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.33%

Change: +1.13%

3. Washington

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.77%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.80%

Change: +0.97%

4. Louisiana

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.30%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.37%

Change: +0.93%

5. Maine

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.27%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.40%

Change: +0.87%

6. New Hampshire

Three-month average unemployment rate: 2.60%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 1.80%

Change: +0.80%

7. California

Three-month average unemployment rate: 5.30%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 4.50%

Change: +0.80%

8. West Virginia

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.30%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.50%

Change: +0.80%

9. Oregon

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.20%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.43%

Change: +0.77%

10. Alabama

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.03%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.30%

Change: +0.73%

11. New Jersey

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.77%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 4.03%

Change: +0.73%

12. Montana

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.27%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.53%

Change: +0.73%

13. Alaska

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.60%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.87%

Change: +0.73%

14. Arkansas

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.50%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.83%

Change: +0.67%

15. Colorado

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.63%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.00%

Change: +0.63%

16. Maryland

Three-month average unemployment rate: 2.50%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 1.90%

Change: +0.60%

17. Illinois

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.80%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 4.20%

Change: +0.60%

18. Oklahoma

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.53%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.97%

Change: +0.57%

19. Kentucky

Three-month average unemployment rate: 4.50%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 4.00%

Change: +0.50%

20. Ohio

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.83%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 3.33%

Change: +0.50%

21. Missouri

Three-month average unemployment rate: 3.33%

Lowest unemployment rate in past 12 months: 2.83%

Change: +0.50%

• Donald Trump's prized Boeing 757 private jet is a common backdrop at campaign rallies.
• The aircraft is just one in a collection of personal planes Trump has owned since the 1980s.
• The billionaire spent millions to outfit his fleet with gold-plated interiors and his family crest.

Billionaire business tycoon and ex-US president Donald Trump has a history of flaunting his wealth.

Among his most famous displays is the Boeing 757 private jet that became a centerpiece of his 2016 presidential rallies and has followed him on the campaign trail for his 2024 nomination.

Dubbed "Trump Force One," the aircraft cost him a reported $100 million in 2011 and is outfitted with luxuries like an ensuite bedroom, several living areas, and the Trump family crest.

Trump's collection of private aircraft dates back decades, though it has shrunk over the years.

The billionaire has also owned Sikorsky S-76B helicopters, a nine-seater Cessna Citation X, and a Boeing 727 tri-engine airliner — the latter considered the original Trump Force One.

Trump's prized Boeing 757 is among his most-flown private aircraft, having operated 72 flights so far in 2024.

According to the aircraft-tracking website JetSpy, Trump's 757 plane, registered N757AF, has flown 133 total flight hours since January 1.

That compares to the 270 total flight hours across 132 flights the 757 flew in 2023. Most of his flying is between Palm Beach and New York City-area airports, per JetSpy.

The Trump Organization did not immediately respond to questions about Trump's jet usage.

Trump brought the aircraft out of storage in 2021 and has since been seen flying between his various homes and court appearances.

During his four years as head of state, Trump traveled using the government's presidential fleet and likely did not expect to need his own aircraft so soon after winning his first presidential term.

However, it didn't take long for him to spruce up the 757 with maintenance and a fresh paint job so that it could once again parade around the US.

The aircraft, complete with his name plastered in giant letters across the fuselage, has been the backdrop of Trump's 2024 rallies.

The 757 also served at his 2016 campaign rallies but with an old livery.

"Branding is a very effective business tool. That's No.1," Trump told the Business Jet Traveller in 2011 before he ran for president. "I also enjoy the spotlight."

However, it's an expensive and gas-hungry commodity, costing a collective $2.6 million in fuel and emitting about 4,100 tons of CO2 between 2023 and 2024, according to JetSpy data.

The customized plane has living rooms, bedrooms, televisions, gold-plated seatbelts, and a dining room, among other luxuries.

Trump bought the 33-year-old aircraft from Microsoft cofounder Paul Allen, and the $100 million price tag includes the jet and the VIP refurbishments.

The 757 is the second rendition of the ex-president's line of 'Trump Force One' planes. The first was an $8 million Boeing 727 tri-jet.

According to The New York Times, Trump's ownership of passenger airliners dates back to 1997, when he acquired his multimillion Boeing 727.

Registered as VP-BDJ and built in 1968, the aircraft previously flew for American Airlines. The aircraft has since been scrapped by a company called MotoArt, using parts of the fuselage to make keychains sold as "PlaneTags," according to the designer's website.

The three-engine 727 aircraft is about half the size of the 757 and was reportedly still worth up to $8 million when sold, per the Times.

Business Jet Traveler reported that the aircraft was sold in May 2011 after logging more than 40,000 flight hours.

In 2009, an aircraft charter broker told CNN Money that the 727 was worth between $4 million and $8 million but would be expensive to maintain and operate due to its old age and three engines.

Luxuries like gold-plated seatbelts, bedrooms, showers, theater, and bidet touted Trump's riches.

Despite the fancy touches, the aircraft's costly operation made selling uniquely difficult.

"The problem with that plane is that the direct operation costs are so high," the broker told CNN Money. "It has three engines, so it would cost about $10,000 an hour to fly."

"There has to be a specific person who wants that plane — someone who wants it because it belonged to Donald Trump."

Before the 727 was his personal plane, it was part of the 'Trump Shuttle' fleet — a now-defunct US carrier that the ex-president owned until 1992.

Trump bought a US airline called Eastern Air Shuttle and its 17 Boeing 727s in 1988 for $365 million, according to a Washington Post article from the same year.

His vision turned the initially no-frills operation into a luxury carrier, outfitting the planes with luxe interiors, inflight calling, and free meals and drinks.

The plan worked for a while, but the high operating costs weren't sustainable, and Trump Shuttle came under US Airways in 1992 and eventually American Airlines via a merger.

Aside from his Boeing airliners, Trump has also galavanted around the world in a smaller Cessna Citation X business jet.

The Trump Organization's website says the Cessna's size makes it useful for flying into smaller airports that the 757 can't.

The speedy 1997 Cessna Citation X, registered N725DT, was regularly seen along Trump's campaign trail.

The tail number nods to Trump Tower's New York City address, 725 Fifth Avenue, while the "DT" is Donald Trump's initials.

Trump's Cessna was less flashy than his airliners, sporting just the family crest on the fuselage instead of his name in giant letters.

The "rocket in the sky" had space for up to nine people in the usual luxe interior.

Trump's Citation X variant could fly up to Mach 0.92, making it the fastest purpose-made business jet in existence until the updated Cessna Citation X+ first flew in 2012.

He could use it for longer journeys, like New York to California or Florida.

The Cessna shuttled Trump to rallies in 2016, though at one point it was flying illegally.

Trump failed to renew the Cessna's registration when it expired in January 2016 but continued to fly it until the error was caught about three months later, The New York Times reported. He said the FAA sent the renewal notices to the wrong address.

Nevertheless, Trump avoided a lengthy re-registration process by establishing a new LLC in Delaware and selling the Cessna to that company.

This triggered a temporary registration, which the Times reported is granted to new aircraft owners and lets the plane fly again almost immediately.

However, Trump has recently sold the 27-year-old Cessna. FAA records show the jet was de-registered on May 13.

Jet Edge Partners, an Ohio-based aircraft broker, organized the sale of Trump's Citation X.

Sale details are unknown, but private charter company EvoJets estimates the acquisition price of a used Cessna Citation X would be around $10 million.

Beyond jet aircraft, Trump's fleet has sported one Airbus and three Sikorsky S-76 helicopters.

In addition to personal helicopters, the business mogul also owned a helicopter service called Trump Air as a connector to his Trump Shuttle flights, BJT reported.

The service used Sikorsky S-61 and Boeing Chinooks before going under alongside the airline.

In total, Trump has owned two 1989 S-76s, one 1990 S-76, and a Eurocopter Super Puma.

According to the Times' 2016 report, the two 1989 S-76s were worth $875,000, and the 1990 version was about $940,000.

While billionaires like Elon Musk fly modern private planes built in the 2010s, Trump typically buys older aircraft. In 2016, he told the Times that this strategy ensured he got good value out of his fleet.

"It was a little more plane than I needed, but I find it hard to resist a good deal when the opportunity presents itself," he said, referring to the 757.

Probably his most famous helicopter, registered N76DT, sported the recognizable Trump logo and his staple red, black, and white livery.

Trump acquired N76DT in 2010 and used it for shorter hops on routes from New York to Boston and Washington, DC.

According to the Times, the other 1989 Sikorsky was purchased in 2014, and the 1990 variant, registered N76TE, was bought in 2012.

N76TE was used for things like marketing Trump's Scotland golf courses, taking the now-deregistered G-TRMP tail number in the UK.

The helicopter interiors sport the same luxe vibes as his private planes, with Trump branding, leather seats, and gold finishings.

Famous for its use on "The Apprentice," the six-seater N67DT had two recliners and a four-person divan. The door panels were covered with leather and gold, and the wood interior was African mahogany.

According to CNBC, the interior of the similarly-looking N76TE helicopter cost Trump $6 million thanks to the significant gold-plating.

Since leaving office, Trump has put up two helicopters for sale, registrations N76TE and N76DT.

FAA records show neither is registered to an active aircraft, but both tail numbers have been reserved by Trump — likely to attach to any future helicopter or planes he chooses to buy.

Trump's third S-76, tail number N7TP, is still registered with the FAA.

The details of the sales are unknown, but The Independent reported that pre-owned S-76Bs typically sell for around $ 1 million.

When Trump put N76DT on the market, anyone could bid. The aircraft had operated some 20,000 flights in its 30 years of life.

The sale of both helicopters would bring Trump's once five-strong fleet of personal aircraft down to two.

Despite selling off some of his aircraft, Trump has still held onto two — and he's hoping to keep them amid his ongoing legal battles.

The Associated Press reported in March that the ex-president could have lost his prized 757 had he not settled the $454 million civil penalty he owed New York after losing a recent fraud case.

Considering the 757 aircraft has not only become an iconic symbol of Trump's riches as he vyes for the 2024 presidency, it's unlikely he'll willingly part with the VIP plane anytime soon.

• Jeff Bezos' public image has changed a lot in the 30 years since he started Amazon.
• The billionaire has shed his boring business attire and experienced a fashion glow-up.
• Here's a closer look at the evolution of his style and persona over the years.

Jeff Bezos is in his "mob chic" era, but it wasn't always this way.

The Amazon cofounder's style and persona have changed a lot over the years, from bookish founder (quite literally in Amazon's early days as a bookseller) to space cowboy at Blue Origin and a Vogue photo shoot.

Here's a look at Bezos' fashion transformation over the years:

In Amazon's early days, Bezos wore pretty run-of-the-mill business attire.

Take this photo of Bezos in 1997, three years after he started Amazon.

Here he is again in a similar outfit, donning a blue dress shirt, black jacket, and beige trousers.

A 1999 Wired profile of Bezos says, "For the kind of shopper Bezos represents, utility is, of course, a mantra. His wardrobe consists of white or blue dress shirts and a pair of khaki pants."

He occasionally opted for this pretty standard combo of a sweater over a collared shirt.

"Back in the late '80s in New York, when he had to wear a suit every day to the office, he gained a preference for shirts with hidden snaps under the collar points for easy tie removal," the Wired profile continued.

"He has trouble locating this style in the Pacific Northwest, so now he buys a pack of standard snapless shirts and has the snaps sewn on," it said. "When he discovers a pair of shoes he likes, he'll buy four pairs at once and wear them in regular rotation for years."

Over the years, Bezos started swapping his khakis for blue jeans more frequently.

The result was a more casual take on business wear.

In fact, he frequently wore jeans when speaking at Amazon events.

One such example is this 2014 launch of the now-discontinued Amazon Fire Phone.

Of course, Bezos dressed in more formal business attire in certain cases that necessitated it.

In this case, it was a meeting of the tech minds that former president Donald Trump convened in 2016.

Bezos made some changes to his style handbook around 2017.

He's channeling cool guy energy with the leather jacket and laid-back outfit.

And who could forget one of his most famous looks?

Bezos turned heads at the annual Sun Valley conference in 2017 with this iconic look that's almost giving Arnold Schwarzenegger in "Terminator."

If there was any doubt, this appearance confirmed a new Bezos had hit the scene, as media and casual onlookers alike noted his physical transformation from scrawny to brawny.

At Blue Origin, Bezos embraces another look entirely: Western-inspired spaceman.

Bezos, his brother, and some other passengers flew to the edge of space in 2021.

Donning a cowboy hat and boots with his blue flight suit, he's another Bezos entirely.

Reddit users dubbed the look "space cowboy billionaire."

A Vogue spread on Bezos and fiancée Lauren Sanchez further cemented the image.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Vogue (@voguemagazine)

//www.instagram.com/embed.js

Photos from the spread quickly spurred memes online.

In his off time, particularly since he stepped down as CEO of Amazon in 2021, Bezos varies his outfits a lot more.

Here he and Sanchez wear casual clothes while on vacation.

While on a ski trip in Aspen, Colorado, Bezos and Sanchez looked cozy.

If not for their bodyguards, they just might've blended in with the crowd pretty well in these pretty inconspicuous winter outfits.

Here's the couple at a fashion show last year.

Bezos once again shows his affinity for a shirt-and-vest combo.

Of course, Bezos attends plenty of galas, fundraisers, and other social functions, as you'd expect of one of the world's richest men.

One such event was the 2024 Met Gala, to which he wore this black tie ensemble.

Bezos and Sanchez looked considerably more casual trying to blend in with the crowd at Coachella.

Absolutely love that Bezos went to Coachella and did the same thing I would do – wore a $15 Hawaiian shirt from Amazon.https://t.co/CcQIDK2uGV pic.twitter.com/x8zGzWs5S9

— Sheel Mohnot (@pitdesi) April 24, 2023

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Rumors speculated that Bezos' butterfly shirt was a relatively cheap top from Amazon, though neither Amazon nor Bezos has confirmed if that was the case.

He sported one of his most fun looks while ringing in 2022 with Sanchez.

(Novelty glasses included.)

So much has Bezos' style evolved over the years that he's drawn comparisons to Pitbull.

And hey, with his renown as one of the world's richest people, he might just give Mr. Worldwide a run for his money.

Jeff Bezos is moving to Miami to complete his transformation into Pitbull 2.0 pic.twitter.com/fNWTkQdGeW

— Morning Brew ☕️ (@MorningBrew) November 3, 2023

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• A boomer partially regrets moving from Dallas to St. Louis due to unexpectedly higher living costs.
• She moved to Missouri to be closer to her son, and she loves the weather and friendliness of locals.
• About 494,000 people moved out of Texas between 2021 and 2022, while over 668,300 people moved in.

Donna, in her 60s, lived in the Dallas-Fort Worth area for decades, but she and her husband wanted to be closer to their son in St. Louis for their retirement.

"We thought: Midwest — not everyone wants to live there. It must be less expensive," Donna said. "We were so wrong."

Donna, who asked to use just her first name for privacy reasons, said she regrets the decision in some ways. She said nearly everything is more expensive in St. Louis compared to Dallas, from groceries to gas to various taxes. While she loves how friendly everyone is and the more moderate weather, she sometimes thinks she "should have stayed in Texas," even though it was never where she envisioned herself retiring.

"People say, you lived in Texas for 40 years, so that's probably where you belong, but I still never felt like I belonged," Donna said.

Several former Texans previously told Business Insider that they left the Lone Star State in search of cheaper living costs, better weather, slower paces of life, and political reasons. Those leaving in 2022 tended to be younger, according to a BI analysis of individual-level data from the Census Bureau's 2022 ACS, assembled by the University of Minnesota's IPUMS program — 37.3% were millennial, while 31.2% were Gen Z. The average salary of those moving away was $50,428 a year in 2022, with two-thirds employed.

Census data shows that between 2021 and 2022, about 494,000 people moved out of Texas, while over 668,300 people moved in. Nearly 9,200 people moved from Texas to Missouri during this period.

Leaving Texas, moving to Missouri

Donna moved around the northern US and Europe growing up, as her father was in the Air Force, and her family eventually settled in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. After college, she moved back to the area and got a job as a paralegal before working for an information technology company.

She formally stopped working after adopting her last kid, while her husband retired right before the pandemic. Though both lived in Texas for over 40 years, they knew Texas never felt like their permanent home.

Their son attended the University of Missouri, where her husband went, and he settled in St. Louis. Donna and her husband were looking for a new state for their retirement, as she knew she couldn't stand another Texas summer.

"When I got situated in Texas, I just didn't feel like I fit in. I wasn't a Southerner. I wasn't a Texan," Donna said. "It surprises me everybody's moving to Texas. I'm like, you know how hot it is here."

They moved to Missouri to be closer to their son and escape the heat.

"We didn't want to just be the parents that lived somewhere else and came in on a plane to visit you for a couple of days and then they were gone," Donna said. "We wanted to actually be close to him."

They looked around St. Louis for two years but couldn't find much on the market. They would fly in, tour five homes, and nearly all would be bought by the end of the day. She said the ones that weren't selling fast would be built on hills or back up onto a highway. Finally, she got the call for a new home on the market. She flew in on a Friday morning in January 2020 by herself, and by that night, they signed.

The home was bigger and more expensive than what they originally wanted, though they were grateful to find something that worked. They loved the neighborhood, and they envisioned they would renovate the Missouri home while working on selling the Texas home. The process took longer than they expected, though they eventually got a buyer.

Learning the hard way

Donna said she immediately felt like she was missing home once she moved in September 2020. Still, she was optimistic about life in Missouri, as she figured it was quieter and slower-paced.

Her new neighborhood was similar to Dallas, though she said it's more spread out. It's taken some time to get used to driving everywhere, which she said has been burdensome as they age. Still, she values having many hills and trees, unlike in Texas, where her community was more flat and monotonous. Her new neighborhood is also more family-oriented and diverse, though she said her neighbors were confused about why she would move from Dallas, which they perceive as a "real sexy place to live."

"The people in St. Louis are so friendly and so helpful," Donna said, noting that many of those she knew in Texas were friendly "on the surface" and didn't often go out of their way to say hello. "If you go into, say, a Lowe's, and you need help, oh my gosh, you're going to get help. People here are hardworking, and they don't complain."

Acknowledging that she should have researched some of the hidden costs, Donna said everything was unexpectedly a lot more than she thought. She noticed first that gas was more expensive in Missouri; though Texas and Missouri, on average, are now about the same per gallon nationally, she said her area is about 75 cents more expensive per gallon than where she lived in Texas. In her area, she saw just two grocery chains whose prices for some items were nearly 40% more expensive than in Dallas.

She knew Missouri had individual income taxes, unlike Texas, which she didn't worry too much about as she and her husband's income dropped in their retirement. Her property tax is about the same as in Texas. However, she didn't expect to pay $89 more a month on her car lease when she changed her address. She said she even had to pay $50 more per month at her gym for the same membership.

She added that she's had to get permits to install a new dishwasher and turn on irrigation for the spring. And her sales tax in St. Louis is nearly 10%, compared to 8.25% in Dallas.

In addition, she said the quality of her Missouri home is not as robust as in Dallas, as she's had two leaks so far in the winter, and cold air seeped in quite frequently.

Regardless, she's remaining positive about her future in Missouri. She's scheduled various home fixes, and she's gotten closer to many of her neighbors. She is also comforted by living closer to her son after years apart. And she's keeping the thought of downsizing when the market changes in the back of her mind, but she's taking it day by day.

"I'm thinking it'll take us a couple of years to see if this feels like home or is it still not right," Donna said. "Maybe I just never found the right place, and possibly that's because, as a military brat, I don't really have a hometown. I don't know where I belong."

Have you recently moved to a new state or country? Reach out to this reporter at nsheidlower@businessinsider.com.

• I was on JetBlue's inaugural flight from New York City to Edinburgh.
• I spent the six-hour trip in its business class "apartment," called the "Mint Studio."
• The studio had a bench, a cabinet with a mirror, and the largest TV of any airline.

It's not often you get your own apartment in the sky.

When I joined JetBlue for its inaugural flight to Scotland on May 22, I wasn't expecting to be in its "Mint Studio," a space my flight attendant described as an "apartment New Yorkers would kill for." But when I saw "1F" printed on my boarding pass, I knew I was in for a treat.

The front row of business class, the Mint Studio is JetBlue's most spacious option, with prices from around $4,000. Business Insider paid a press rate of $1,300, including a return flight in the airline's "Even More Space" economy section.

While the "apartment" makes for a comfortable transatlantic flight, it's not something I'd splurge on. Here's what it's like.

As the first seat on the plane, the studio has the most space.

The studio easily offers the most room of any airline I've ever flown.

It's got even more space than the rest of JetBlue's business class seats. There's more leg space than I could ever use — a luxury as the rest of plane seats seemingly continue to shrink.

It comes with a small cabinet to store belongings.

I stowed a few in-flight necessities in the cabinet, which I thought was a nice touch. It also has a mirror, so passengers can do some pre-arrival primping.

The food was the same as in the rest of the cabin.

I've always thought JetBlue's dining options are among the best, and the same applies here. The menu was the same as my flight to Paris last year: A farro salad, Cavatelli pasta, chilled soup, and gelato.

The TV is massive, and the in-flight entertainment options are expansive.

The television in the apartment is 22 inches — five inches larger than the TVs in other business-class seats. Per JetBlue, it's actually the largest screen of any US airlines.

I made good use of the screen: I didn't struggle finding anything to watch, as there were plenty of movies and shows to choose from. It even had a selection of A24 films, some of my favorites.

The studio’s pièce de résistance is its extra seat.

The apartment has a small bench, which apparently you can use to host other passengers, according to the website.

Even if I wasn't traveling solo, I can't see myself wanting to have another person in the little room. I imagine the space would be best used for a parent wanting to watch a movie or hang out with their kid.

The bench adds some extra space to the lie-flat seat.

For me, this was the seat's only real use case, other than having another place to put some of my belongings.

When the seat is fully reclined, the bench adds quite a bit of extra room. The added space is great for anyone who tosses and turns in their sleep, and I ended up being able to sleep for the majority of the flight.

Still, I can’t say it’s much better than its regular Mint seats.

The best part of the seat was the bench, which offered some extra space once the seat was laid flat. Even so, I can't say it's something I'd spend extra money on.

The flight experience is the same: You get the same food, amenities, and entertainment selections as the rest of Mint. I can see the bench coming in useful for parents traveling with kids, but for anyone just wanting to sleep their way over the Atlantic, the rest of business class gets the job done — for less money.

• Stephanie Quinn was forced to move out of her Farley, Iowa, apartment this spring.
• Quinn's Section 8 voucher and her children's schooling hinge on finding new housing by July 11.
• Iowa law allows landlords to refuse vouchers, complicating Quinn's search for a new home.

Stephanie Quinn was at work when her kids, 10 and 12, received a paper notice from their landlord informing them that the family wouldn't be offered a new lease on their three-bedroom apartment in Farley, Iowa.

A 43-year-old mother of two, Quinn had 30 days to move out of the place she and her kids had called home for five years. The family has spent the last nearly two months staying with Quinn's boyfriend in his one-bedroom apartment, so that the kids can finish out their school year. But the living arrangement isn't sustainable, and Quinn has a looming deadline to find a new home.

That deadline — July 11 — is imposed by the state housing authority and applies to Quinn's Section 8 housing choice voucher, which she's had for about 12 years. Quinn suffers from Charcot-Marie-Tooth disease, which affects her motor and sensory nerves, compromising her mobility in her arms and legs. Though she receives about $1,000 per month in social security disability insurance, she also works at a local Subway sandwich shop to make ends meet.

If Quinn doesn't find a new apartment with a landlord who will accept her voucher before July 11, she'll lose the crucial housing benefit, according to paperwork she received from the housing authority, which Business Insider reviewed. With the voucher, Quinn paid up to about $250 of her $875 rent each month, as the program requires tenants to spend no more than 40% of their income on rent. If she loses her voucher, it would likely take years to get another.

"I'd have to go back on waiting lists, and I'm actually on a whole bunch of other waiting lists for income-based places, too, and they're about five years away," Quinn told Business Insider.

Iowa lets landlords refuse voucher holders

Quinn says she's contacted close to 30 landlords since March. Many have simply told her they don't accept housing vouchers. In 17 states and Washington, DC, turning an applicant down solely because they have a voucher is illegal — the practice is known as "source-of-income discrimination."

But in Iowa, the practice is allowed. In 2021, the state passed a law barring cities and counties from protecting voucher holders from overt discrimination by landlords.

Quinn received a list of apartment options from the local housing authority, but the listings are mostly outdated. So she's turned to looking for rental listings on Zillow, Trulia, and even Facebook and Craigslist. But when she's inquired with these landlords and informed them that she has a voucher, they've largely rejected her outright.

"It was a complete 'no' right away and 'no we don't do that, no we don't accept it,'" she said. "If it wasn't on the housing list, I pretty much got a no."

Quinn has found a few property owners who say they'll take her voucher, but they're almost an hour away from Farley and Quinn needs to stay in the area to keep her kids enrolled in their school.

Once school lets out for summer break, Quinn's kids will move in with a close friend in Dubuque until Quinn can find a new apartment. If she doesn't find a new home in the area before July, she's worried she'll have to temporarily put her kids in foster care so they can continue attending their school.

Quinn is also concerned she won't live close enough to her 83-year-old grandmother, who she's the sole caretaker for. And she fears having to give up her job. The managers at her Subway shop have been very accommodating of her needs, purchasing special knives she can use and exempting her from finding replacements to take her shift when she's out sick.

"I'm so upset that if I can't find something nearby, I have to leave this job," she said.

A crucial but flawed benefit

The federal Housing Choice Voucher Program is the biggest — and most effective — American housing assistance program. It aids about 5 million people in 2.3 million households who make less than 50% of their area median income to find rental housing on the private market. But a declining number of landlords across the US are accepting the vouchers, and a growing number of recipients are failing to secure housing through the program, Business Insider recently reported.

At the same time, the program is severely underfunded. Quinn is among the one in four eligible Americans who actually receive a voucher. And the average wait time for recipients is two and a half years. About 10 million additional low-income households are going without the help they qualify for.

Like Quinn, many voucher holders struggle to find a home that meets the program's requirements and a landlord willing to accept the applicant within the limited time — as short as 60 days — allotted to find a unit. Nationwide, only about 60% of voucher recipients are successful in finding a home with the subsidy.

Housing experts have found that the home inspection process is a major pain point in the program. Before a voucher recipient can sign a lease on a home, it must be inspected by the local housing authority to make sure it meets a slew of health and safety standards. But that process can create lengthy delays, cause landlords to keep a unit empty and miss out on rent payments, and ultimately result in the voucher holder losing out on the home.

But before a voucher recipient can even get to the inspection process, they need to find a suitable home that will take a voucher. Many landlords reject voucher holders even in places where source-of-income discrimination is illegal.

The deck is even more stacked against low-income people in a state like Iowa.

Quinn hopes her story will help others in even worse situations. "I've got a good family support system, and I know a lot of people don't have that," she said.

Are you a housing voucher recipient or a landlord who's struggled with the housing voucher program? Reach out to this reporter at erelman@businessinsider.com.